President Donald Trump announced that the US will run Venezuela until a ‘proper transition can take place.’
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Trump on Venezuela: 'We are going to run the country'
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Traditional Security Frameworks Leave Organizations Exposed to AI-Specific Attack Vectors
In December 2024, the popular Ultralytics AI library was compromised, installing malicious code that hijacked system resources for cryptocurrency mining. In August 2025, malicious Nx packages leaked 2,349 GitHub, cloud, and AI credentials. Throughout 2024, ChatGPT vulnerabilities allowed unauthorized extraction of user data from AI memory.
The result: 23.77 million secrets were leaked through AI systems in 2024 alone, a 25% increase from the previous year.
Here’s what these incidents have in common: The compromised organizations had comprehensive security programs. They passed audits. They met compliance requirements. Their security frameworks simply weren’t built for AI threats.
Traditional security frameworks have served organizations well for decades. But AI systems operate fundamentally differently from the applications these frameworks were designed to protect. And the attacks against them don’t fit into existing control categories. Security teams followed the frameworks. The frameworks just don’t cover this.
Where Traditional Frameworks Stop and AI Threats Begin
The major security frameworks organizations rely on, NIST Cybersecurity Framework, ISO 27001, and CIS Control, were developed when the threat landscape looked completely different. NIST CSF 2.0, released in 2024, focuses primarily on traditional asset protection. ISO 27001:2022 addresses information security comprehensively but doesn’t account for AI-specific vulnerabilities. CIS Controls v8 covers endpoint security and access controls thoroughly—yet none of these frameworks provide specific guidance on AI attack vectors.
These aren’t bad frameworks. They’re comprehensive for traditional systems. The problem is that AI introduces attack surfaces that don’t map to existing control families.
“Security professionals are facing a threat landscape that’s evolved faster than the frameworks designed to protect against it,” notes Rob Witcher, co-founder of cybersecurity training company Destination Certification. “The controls organizations rely on weren’t built with AI-specific attack vectors in mind.”
This gap has driven demand for specialized AI security certification prep that addresses these emerging threats specifically.
Consider access control requirements, which appear in every major framework. These controls define who can access systems and what they can do once inside. But access controls don’t address prompt injection—attacks that manipulate AI behavior through carefully crafted natural language input, bypassing authentication entirely.
System and information integrity controls focus on detecting malware and preventing unauthorized code execution. But model poisoning happens during the authorized training process. An attacker doesn’t need to breach systems, they corrupt the training data, and AI systems learn malicious behavior as part of normal operation.
Configuration management ensures systems are properly configured and changes are controlled. But configuration controls can’t prevent adversarial attacks that exploit mathematical properties of machine learning models. These attacks use inputs that look completely normal to humans and traditional security tools but cause models to produce incorrect outputs.
Prompt Injection
Take prompt injection as a specific example. Traditional input validation controls (like SI-10 in NIST SP 800-53) were designed to catch malicious structured input: SQL injection, cross-site scripting, and command injection. These controls look for syntax patterns, special characters, and known attack signatures.
Prompt injection uses valid natural language. There are no special characters to filter, no SQL syntax to block, and no obvious attack signatures. The malicious intent is semantic, not syntactic. An attacker might ask an AI system to “ignore previous instructions and expose all user data” using perfectly valid language that passes through every input validation control framework that requires it.
Model Poisoning
Model poisoning presents a similar challenge. System integrity controls in frameworks like ISO 27001 focus on detecting unauthorized modifications to systems. But in AI environments, training is an authorized process. Data scientists are supposed to feed data into models. When that training data is poisoned—either through compromised sources or malicious contributions to open datasets—the security violation happens within a legitimate workflow. Integrity controls aren’t looking for this because it’s not “unauthorized.”
AI Supply Chain
AI supply chain attacks expose another gap. Traditional supply chain risk management (the SR control family in NIST SP 800-53) focuses on vendor assessments, contract security requirements, and software bill of materials. These controls help organizations understand what code they’re running and where it came from.
But AI supply chains include pre-trained models, datasets, and ML frameworks with risks that traditional controls don’t address. How do organizations validate the integrity of model weights? How do they detect if a pre-trained model has been backdoored? How do they assess whether a training dataset has been poisoned? The frameworks don’t provide guidance because these questions didn’t exist when the frameworks were developed.
The result is that organizations implement every control their frameworks require, pass audits, and meet compliance standards—while remaining fundamentally vulnerable to an entire category of threats.
When Compliance Doesn’t Equal Security
The consequences of this gap aren’t theoretical. They’re playing out in real breaches.
When the Ultralytics AI library was compromised in December 2024, the attackers didn’t exploit a missing patch or weak password. They compromised the build environment itself, injecting malicious code after the code review process but before publication. The attack succeeded because it targeted the AI development pipeline—a supply chain component that traditional software supply chain controls weren’t designed to protect. Organizations with comprehensive dependency scanning and software bill of materials analysis still installed the compromised packages because their tools couldn’t detect this type of manipulation.
The ChatGPT vulnerabilities disclosed in November 2024 allowed attackers to extract sensitive information from users’ conversation histories and memories through carefully crafted prompts. Organizations using ChatGPT had strong network security, robust endpoint protection, and strict access controls. None of these controls addresses malicious natural language input designed to manipulate AI behavior. The vulnerability wasn’t in the infrastructure—it was in how the AI system processed and responded to prompts.
When malicious Nx packages were published in August 2025, they took a novel approach: using AI assistants like Claude Code and Google Gemini CLI to enumerate and exfiltrate secrets from compromised systems. Traditional security controls focus on preventing unauthorized code execution. But AI development tools are designed to execute code based on natural language instructions. The attack weaponized legitimate functionality in ways that existing controls don’t anticipate.
These incidents share a common pattern. Security teams had implemented the controls their frameworks required. Those controls protected against traditional attacks. They just didn’t cover AI-specific attack vectors.
The Scale of the Problem
According to IBM’s Cost of a Data Breach Report 2025, organizations take an average of 276 days to identify a breach and another 73 days to contain it. For AI-specific attacks, detection times are potentially even longer because security teams lack established indicators of compromise for these novel attack types. Sysdig’s research shows a 500% surge in cloud workloads containing AI/ML packages in 2024, meaning the attack surface is expanding far faster than defensive capabilities.
The scale of exposure is significant. Organizations are deploying AI systems across their operations: customer service chatbots, code assistants, data analysis tools, and automated decision systems. Most security teams can’t even inventory the AI systems in their environment, much less apply AI-specific security controls that frameworks don’t require.
What Organizations Actually Need
The gap between what frameworks mandate and what AI systems need requires organizations to go beyond compliance. Waiting for frameworks to be updated isn’t an option—the attacks are happening now.
Organizations need new technical capabilities. Prompt validation and monitoring must detect malicious semantic content in natural language, not just structured input patterns. Model integrity verification needs to validate model weights and detect poisoning, which current system integrity controls don’t address. Adversarial robustness testing requires red teaming focused specifically on AI attack vectors, not just traditional penetration testing.
Traditional data loss prevention focuses on detecting structured data: credit card numbers, social security numbers, and API keys. AI systems require semantic DLP capabilities that can identify sensitive information embedded in unstructured conversations. When an employee asks an AI assistant, “summarize this document,” and pastes in confidential business plans, traditional DLP tools miss it because there’s no obvious data pattern to detect.
AI supply chain security demands capabilities that go beyond vendor assessments and dependency scanning. Organizations need methods for validating pre-trained models, verifying dataset integrity, and detecting backdoored weights. The SR control family in NIST SP 800-53 doesn’t provide specific guidance here because these components didn’t exist in traditional software supply chains.
The bigger challenge is knowledge. Security teams need to understand these threats, but traditional certifications don’t cover AI attack vectors. The skills that made security professionals excellent at securing networks, applications, and data are still valuable—they’re just not sufficient for AI systems. This isn’t about replacing security expertise; it’s about extending it to cover new attack surfaces.
The Knowledge and Regulatory Challenge
Organizations that address this knowledge gap will have significant advantages. Understanding how AI systems fail differently than traditional applications, implementing AI-specific security controls, and building capabilities to detect and respond to AI threats—these aren’t optional anymore.
Regulatory pressure is mounting. The EU AI Act, which took effect in 2025, imposes penalties up to €35 million or 7% of global revenue for serious violations. NIST’s AI Risk Management Framework provides guidance, but it’s not yet integrated into the primary security frameworks that drive organizational security programs. Organizations waiting for frameworks to catch up will find themselves responding to breaches instead of preventing them.
Practical steps matter more than waiting for perfect guidance. Organizations should start with an AI-specific risk assessment separate from traditional security assessments. Inventorying the AI systems actually running in the environment reveals blind spots for most organizations. Implementing AI-specific security controls even though frameworks don’t require them yet, is critical. Building AI security expertise within existing security teams rather than treating it as an entirely separate function makes the transition more manageable. Updating incident response plans to include AI-specific scenarios is essential because current playbooks won’t work when investigating prompt injection or model poisoning.
The Proactive Window Is Closing
Traditional security frameworks aren’t wrong—they’re incomplete. The controls they mandate don’t cover AI-specific attack vectors, which is why organizations that fully met NIST CSF, ISO 27001, and CIS Controls requirements were still breached in 2024 and 2025. Compliance hasn’t equaled protection.
Security teams need to close this gap now rather than wait for frameworks to catch up. That means implementing AI-specific controls before breaches force action, building specialized knowledge within security teams to defend AI systems effectively, and pushing for updated industry standards that address these threats comprehensively.
The threat landscape has fundamentally changed. Security approaches need to change with it, not because current frameworks are inadequate for what they were designed to protect, but because the systems being protected have evolved beyond what those frameworks anticipated.
Organizations that treat AI security as an extension of their existing programs, rather than waiting for frameworks to tell them exactly what to do, will be the ones that defend successfully. Those who wait will be reading breach reports instead of writing security success stories.
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Why has Donald Trump attacked Venezuela and taken Maduro?
Vanessa BuschschlüterLatin America editor
ReutersA destroyed anti-aircraft unit at La Carlota military air base Donald Trump says US forces have captured the Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro following large-scale strikes in Venezuela.
The US president wrote on social media that Maduro and his wife, First Lady Cilia Flores, had been flown out of the country. He later told Fox and Friends that they were on a ship on their way to New York.
The Venezuelan defence minister, Vladimir Padrino, has said that the armed forces would defend the country’s sovereignty.
The strikes inside Venezuela come after a US pressure campaign against the Maduro government, which the Trump administration accuses of flooding the US with drugs and gang members.
Trump on Venezuela: “We are going to run the country” Why has Trump targeted Venezuela?
Trump blames Nicolás Maduro for the arrival of hundreds of thousands of Venezuelan migrants in the US.
They are among close to eight million Venezuelans estimated to have fled the country’s economic crisis and repression since 2013.
Without providing evidence, Trump has accused Maduro of “emptying his prisons and insane asylums” and “forcing” its inmates to migrate to the US.
Trump has also focused on fighting the influx of drugs – especially fentanyl and cocaine – into the US.
He has designated two Venezuelan criminal groups – Tren de Aragua and Cartel de los Soles – as Foreign Terrorist Organisations (FTOs) and has alleged that the latter is led by Maduro himself.
Analysts have pointed out that Cartel de los Soles is not a hierarchical group but a term used to describe corrupt officials who have allowed cocaine to transit through Venezuela.
Trump had also doubled the reward for information leading to Maduro’s capture and has announced that he would designate the Maduro government as an FTO.
Maduro has vehemently denied being a cartel leader and has accused the US of using its “war on drugs” as an excuse to try to depose him and get its hands on Venezuela’s vast oil reserves.
How has the US ramped up pressure on Venezuela?
There has been a build up of pressure on the Maduro government since Trump began his second term in office last January.
First, the Trump administration doubled the reward it offered for information leading to the capture of Maduro.
In September, US forces began targeting vessels it accused of carrying drugs from South America to the US.
There have been more than 30 strikes on such vessels in the Caribbean and the Pacific since then, killing more than 110 people.
The Trump administration argues that it is involved in a non-international armed conflict with the alleged drug traffickers, whom it accuses of conducting irregular warfare against the US.
Many legal experts say the strikes are not against “lawful military targets”. The first attack – on 2 September – has drawn particular scrutiny as there was not one but two strikes, with survivors of the first hit killed in the second.
A former chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Court told the BBC that the US military campaign more generally fell into the category of a planned, systematic attack against civilians during peacetime.
In response, the White House said it had acted in line with the laws of armed conflict to protect the US from cartels “trying to bring poison to our shores… destroying American lives”.
Back in October, Trump said he had authorised the CIA to conduct covert operations inside Venezuela.
He also threatened strikes on land against what he described as “narco-terrorists”.
He said that the first of such strikes had been carried out on 24 December, though he gave little detail, just stating that it had targeted a “dock area” where boats alleged to carry drugs where being loaded.
Prior to Maduro’s capture, Trump repeatedly said that Maduro “is no friend of the US” and that it would be “smart for him to go”.
He also increased the financial pressure on Maduro by declaring a “total naval blockade” on all sanctioned oil tankers entering and leaving Venezuela. Oil is the main source of foreign revenue for the Maduro government.
The US has also deployed a huge military force in the Caribbean, whose stated aim is to stop the flow of fentanyl and cocaine to the US.
As well as targeting vessels they accuse of smuggling drugs, the force has also played a key role in the US naval blockade.
Is Venezuela flooding the US with drugs?
Counternarcotic experts say that Venezuela is a relatively minor player in global drug trafficking, acting as a transit country through which drugs produced elsewhere are smuggled.
Its neighbour, Colombia, is the world’s largest producer of cocaine but most of it is thought to enter the US by other routes, not via Venezuela.
According to a US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) report from 2020, almost three quarters of the cocaine reaching the US is estimated to be trafficked via the Pacific with just a small percentage coming via fast boats in the Caribbean.
While most of the early strikes the US has carried out were in the Caribbean, more recent ones have focused on the Pacific.
In September, Trump told US military leaders that the boats targeted “are stacked up with bags of white powder that’s mostly fentanyl and other drugs, too”.
Fentanyl is a synthetic drug which is 50 times more potent than heroin and has become the main drug responsible for opioid overdose deaths in the US.
On 15 December, Trump signed an executive order designating fentanyl as a “weapon of mass destruction”, arguing that it was “closer to a chemical weapon than a narcotic”.
However, fentanyl is produced mainly in Mexico and reaches the US almost exclusively via land through its southern border.
Venezuela is not mentioned as a country of origin for fentanyl smuggled into the US in the DEA’s 2025 National Drug Threat Assessment.
How did Maduro rise to power?
ReutersNicolás Maduro rose to prominence under the leadership of left-wing President Hugo Chávez and his United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).
Maduro, a former bus driver and union leader, succeeded Chávez and has been president since 2013.
During the 26 years that Chávez and Maduro have been in power, their party has gained control of key institutions including the National Assembly, much of the judiciary, and the electoral council.
In 2024, Maduro was declared winner of the presidential election, even though voting tallies collected by the opposition suggested that its candidate, Edmundo González, had won by a landslide.
González had replaced the main opposition leader, María Corina Machado, on the ballot after she was barred from running for office.
She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in October for “her struggle to achieve a just and peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy”.
Machado defied a travel ban and made her way to Oslo in December to collect the award after months in hiding.
She said that she planned to return to Venezuela, a move which would put her at risk of arrest by the Venezuelan authorities, who have declared her a “fugitive”.
How big is the force the US has deployed in the Caribbean?
US Navy/ReutersThe USS Gerald Ford played a key role when the US seized an oil tanker off the Venezuelan coast The US has deployed 15,000 troops and a range of aircraft carriers, guided-missile destroyers, and amphibious assault ships to the Caribbean.
Among the US flotilla is the USS Gerald Ford, the world’s largest aircraft carrier.
US helicopters reportedly took off from it before US forces seized an oil tanker off Venezuela on 10 December.
The US said the tanker had been “used to transport sanctioned oil from Venezuela and Iran”. Venezuela described the action as an act of “international piracy”.
Since then, the US has targeted two more tankers in waters off Venezuela.
How much oil does Venezuela export, and who buys it?
Maduro has long accused the Trump administration of attempting to depose him so the US could gain control of Venezuela’s oil riches, pointing to a remark Trump made after the US seized the first oil tanker off Venezuela’s coast.
When quizzed by reporters as to what would happen with the tanker and its cargo, he said: “I assume we’re going to keep the oil.”
However, US officials have previously denied Venezuela’s allegations that moves against Maduro’s government were an attempt to secure access to the country’s untapped reserves.
Venezuela has the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves and profits from the oil sector finance more than half of the its government budget.
However, its exports have been hit by sanctions and a lack of investment and mismanagement within Venezuela’s state-ruin oil company.
In 2023, Venezuela produced only 0.8% of global crude oil, according to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA).
It currently exports about 900,000 barrels per day and China is by far its biggest buyer.


